By Julian Rogers
Caribbean Bridges
In the small but fiercely proud nation of Dominica, a spark has ignited yet another constitutional firestorm. The tabling of long-promised electoral reform legislation—a move the government describes as a long-overdue response to opposition demands—has instead deepened political divisions and triggered street protests that were met with tear gas, rubber bullets, and arrests. Once again, the question of democracy, legitimacy, and the rule of law stands trial, not just in the courts but in the court of public opinion.
The Supreme Court’s ruling that the arrest and detention of demonstrators was unlawful has now added a judicial rebuke to what was already a politically volatile moment. It evokes earlier chapters in Dominica’s political history—the crackdowns under Patrick John’s embattled premiership, the steely, often uncompromising stance of Dame Eugenia Charles during crises of legitimacy. History, it seems, echoes sharply in the valleys of the Nature Isle.
Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit, who has long stood as a central figure in Dominica’s modern narrative, now finds himself navigating perhaps the most perilous stretch of his political career. Having risen to the premiership as one of the region’s youngest leaders, he led with a combination of pragmatism and populist touch—managing post-disaster recoveries, pioneering Dominica’s Citizenship by Investment programme, and ambitiously championing resilience-building after Hurricane Maria battered the island.
Yet this latest confrontation lays bare the limits of accumulated goodwill. Despite all the infrastructural rebuilding and international positioning, a growing perception, especially among politically engaged youth, remains that democratic reform has lagged behind physical reconstruction.
The heart of the contention? The absence of campaign finance legislation, which the opposition regards as the keystone of credible electoral reform. The Prime Minister countered by arguing that while such a measure is essential, it will take more time to be shaped appropriately and that Parliament should proceed with the other reform bills as a first step. As he put it: “Strengthening democracy, enhancing transparency and modernising our electoral process! Dominica takes a historic step forward as Parliament passes crucial electoral reform legislation.”
But the opposition’s response has been blistering. Dr. Thomson Fontaine, the UWP’s political leader, slammed the government’s handling: “The electoral reform bill was rushed through Parliament with only minimal debate.”
Even the comprehensive report submitted by regional jurist Sir Dennis Byron acknowledged the stakes: “The regulation of political and campaign financing is a matter of political discord and was part of the tumultuous background which led to this reform process.”
And when protestors took to the streets, the state’s response was swift and harsh. Teargas. Rubber bullets. Arrests under the Public Order Act. The courts would later rule those arrests unlawful—a symbolic and legal victory for demonstrators but also a stark warning to the government about the limits of executive power.
Prime Minister Skerrit, defending his administration, asserted: “They do not want reform; they want chaos, believing it would serve their political ambitions.”
Meanwhile, Attorney General Levi Peter offered assurances of good intent, calling the new reforms “A significant improvement over the existing laws, ensuring a free, fair, and fear-free electoral system.”
Still, what unfolds next will test more than the durability of Skerrit’s leadership. It will test the patience of Dominica’s electorate, the credibility of its institutions, and the unity of a nation accustomed to hardship but increasingly restless for profound, systemic change.
Can Skerrit survive this? Possibly. He has done it before. However, political survival is not the same as a lasting legacy. The real question may be whether Roosevelt Skerrit, now a seasoned statesman, can pivot from tactical retreat to visionary leadership, ushering in a transparent and inclusive reform process that restores faith in democracy.
The region will watch, as it always has, when small states wrestle with significant questions. Dominica now stands at a crossroads—one familiar to many Caribbean democracies. What is at stake is one man’s political future and the deeper promise of people-powered governance.
Julian’s Note: You can now reach me directly at julian@caribbeanbridges.com. This new address reflects our evolving mission to connect voices across the region more effectively.
Disclaimer
The opinions presented in this content belong to the author and may not necessarily reflect the perspectives or editorial stance of Nature Isle News (NIN). Opinion pieces can be submitted to editor@natureisle.news
Another article by a once renowned gentleman that is replete with inaccuracies! I scrawled down and abandoned the effort when I read, “Despite all the infrastructural rebuilding and international positioning, a growing perception, especially among politically engaged youth, remains that democratic reform has lagged behind physical reconstruction.” Well, there is zero evidence of this crap. There is no evidence that the youth even care about “democratic reform,” much less believe that it is at risk. No wonder there were so few of them at the protest in Roseau, but Julian would not know this if he listens only to Fontaine et al. Heck, the youth are among the most free…watch the bloom of nasty music lyrics. Heheh! No one stops them from singing this koshonie in public.
Where is Julian getting his information? A cursory review of readily available information on this electoral reform issue would have helped him remain relevant. In this article, he is clearly shooting wildly and off target.